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In Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston, 1870-1900, Sam B. Warner, Jr. chronicles the rapid proliferation of suburban housing developments enabled by new transportation technologies and streetcar routes built in the Boston area during the final three decades of the nineteenth century. He chose three towns in the Boston metropolitan area—Dorchester, Roxbury, and West Roxbury to analyze. Using illustrative maps, photographs of homes and churches, and other statistical evidence, Warner identifies two qualities that made Boston of 1900 a unique landscape to its preceding eras: “its great size and its new suburban arrangement (153). The single greatest determinant in shaping the land were the streets—particularly the streetcar lines that allowed for middle class and upper class businessmen to reside in a more “rural ideal” landscape and commute to work in the city center. The adoption and development of streetcar rail lines by large institutions and individual investors/homeowners transformed Boston from a merchant “walking city” of 200,000 inhabitants in 1850 to an industrial metropolis of over 1,000,000 people by 1900 by expanding the convenient daily travel radius of the city from 3 miles to 10 miles (1). This period had no laws of zoning regulations. The relative uniformity and “presence of houses of similar cost and style encouraged a man to build his own house in keeping with existing ones:” a sort of de facto residential zoning pattern emerged (156). This transformed the physical landscape of area dramatically. Boston of 1900 was functionally split in two with “an industrial, commercial, and communications center packed tight against a port, and an enormous outer suburban ring of residences and industrial and commercial subcenters” (153). In many ways, Warner has revealed a case study demonstrating how the twentieth century automobile suburban American landscape came to be: it inherited its form and structure from nineteenth century streetcar suburbs. Given the fact that he conducts thorough fieldwork and cautions against the knee-jerk reaction of modern critics to label suburban sprawl as insidious landscapes, it is surprising that this was written in 1962. It predates the Historic Preservation Act of 1966 that precipitated much more extensive survey work of residential homes that Warner is interested in and it tempers suburban sprawl criticism early on—as condemnation for this landscape pattern only continued to accelerate in subsequent decades. Although his conclusion admits the negative community consequences of the suburban development of Boston, Warner clarifies the fact that “the late nineteenth century [streetcar suburbs] created a widespread sense of achievement” (157). They were intentionally shaped in order to promote middle class living for as many as could “make it” financially to a certain degree.Perhaps the most suspicious part of this otherwise remarkably clever book was the chapter on “A Selective Melting Pot.” While Warner clarifies that the restrictive racial covenants of the twentieth century American suburbs were not at play in this time period and region, his overall analysis seems a bit limited. He asserts that the basic pattern organizing the whole suburban metropolis was income and other than that all were “mixed together with little regard to national origin (46). While I expect his point is to emphasize some surprising nationality mixing, he does so at the expense of a more rigorous consideration of social exclusion. He does end with a general summarizing conclusion that the suburban environment created by our capitalistic economic system resulted in the socioeconomic segregation and class warfare of the 20th century. So yeah, in the end he is quite critical of suburban landscapes.Another critique pointed out by my professor is the ill-use of photos. He is an urban historian but not an art historian. He tacks them on but does not engage with them in his writing, which is a missed opportunity/disappointing.

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